I’ve just returned from five days in Singapore — my second visit to the country, the first having taken place a decade ago. Once again, Singapore left a profound impression on me. There is a palpable sense of a society that functions with purpose: grounded in order, efficiency, and a shared commitment to the common good. Singaporeans have every reason to feel deeply proud of what their nation has become.
This time, I brought back several books to deepen my understanding of the country’s history. Given my own experience confronting corruption in Brazil, I’m particularly interested in how Singapore built such a stable, effective, and corruption-resistant model.
As a Brazilian who has had the privilege of traveling and studying different cultures, what struck me most was the dignity and sense of well-being I observed. Singapore demonstrates, in practice, that corruption is not an inherent trait of any culture, but the product of structural decisions — decisions that can be made differently.
And while Singapore continues to progress, Brazil moves in the opposite direction, allowing and even encouraging the corruption that steadily erodes its institutions and society.
What is happening in Brazil is hard to witness, but it brings an essential truth into sharp focus: corruption is not an inevitability, but the consequence of the structures a society chooses to build, tolerate, or neglect.
The Corruption Perceptions Index
To understand the distance between the two countries, one only needs to look at the scoreboard that matters most: the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). In the latest ranking, Singapore earned 84 out of 100 points, making it the least corrupt nation in Asia. Brazil, by contrast, has fallen to 34 points, ranking 107th in the world.
For honest Brazilians, that number carries a profound sense of national embarrassment. Yet Singapore’s trajectory also offers a measure of hope. Decades ago, it faced serious governance challenges of its own. Those problems didn’t fade through optimism or moral appeals; they were confronted through deliberate, structural reform. Singapore’s transformation was built on five fundamental pillars.
Pillar #1: The “Nuclear” Laws — Reverse Burden of Proof
The Singapore Practice:
Singapore’s Prevention of Corruption Act (PCA) includes a legal mechanism that would strike fear into Brazil’s political and economic elite: the Reverse Burden of Proof. Under Section 24 of the PCA, if a public official — or their family — holds assets they cannot justify, such as a luxury car, a mansion, or money parked abroad, the law presumes those assets were obtained through corruption. It is then the official’s responsibility to prove that the wealth was acquired legitimately. If they fail, they face prison. The state need not prove the assets’ illicit origin; the individual must demonstrate their lawful source.
Pillar #2: The Independent Watchdog (CPIB)
The Singapore Practice:
In 1952, Singapore learned a defining lesson: a police force cannot be left to police itself. After a scandal in which detectives were caught stealing opium, the government created the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB). The CPIB is a Type A agency — the strongest model of anti-corruption body, with a single exclusive mandate to investigate corruption and complete independence from the police. It reports directly to the Prime Minister, and if the Prime Minister himself becomes the subject of suspicion, the CPIB Director can bypass him entirely and report straight to the President. This is not a symbolic body; it is an institution designed to enforce accountability with absolute authority.
The Brazilian Reality (Interference):
In Brazil, our investigative bodies — the Federal Police and the Public Prosecutor’s Office — operate under perpetual siege. Budgets are slashed, leaders are replaced, and institutional mandates are diluted whenever an investigation gets too close to those who wield absolute power. And even more troubling, the very agencies charged with combating corruption are often infiltrated or compromised themselves. Instead of giving our watchdogs absolute authority, we neutralize them. They cease to act as guardians of the republic and end up behaving like pets trained to obey those in power.
Pillar #3: The “Tone from the Top” (Political Will)
The Singapore Practice:
In Singapore, political will means having the courage to punish even your closest allies. The defining moment came in 1986. Teh Cheang Wan, Minister for National Development and a close friend of Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, was accused of accepting two bribes. Lee did not shield him. He authorized the CPIB to investigate thoroughly. Facing imminent prosecution, Teh took his own life and left a note admitting guilt. The message reverberated across the country: if the Prime Minister will not protect his best friend, he will not protect anyone.
The Brazilian Reality (Incentivizing Corruption):
In Brazil, the current “tone from the top” signals the opposite — it signals impunity. We are watching the Supreme Court systematically annul evidence from the Lava Jato operation and even suspend fines for companies that openly admitted to corruption. When the highest court in the country tells confessed offenders that they will face no consequences, it delivers a destructive message: crime pays. It emboldens the next generation of corrupt officials to steal with confidence, trusting that the system will ultimately protect them.
Pillar #4: Removing the Temptation (Economics)
The Singapore Practice:
Singapore pays its ministers, senior officials, and judges salaries comparable to those in the private sector — often exceeding US $1 million annually. The rationale is straightforward: eliminate any financial “need” to steal so that, when corruption occurs, it is treated purely as greed and punished without hesitation.
The Brazilian Reality (Greed Upon Greed):
In Brazil, we live with the worst of both worlds. Our politicians and judges already belong to the top 1% of earners, frequently surpassing constitutional salary caps through an endless array of perks and allowances (penduricalhos). Yet corruption persists — and in many cases, thrives.
Because in Brazil, the risk–reward equation is fundamentally broken. The rewards are high, and the risk of going to jail is effectively zero.
Pillar #5: Ruthless Punishment (The “Phey Yew Kok” Standard)
The Singapore Practice:
Phey Yew Kok, a powerful Member of Parliament and union leader, fled Singapore in 1980 after embezzling S$100,000. He remained a fugitive for 35 years. In Brazil, his crime would have expired long ago under our statute of limitations. But Singapore does not forget. When Phey voluntarily returned in 2015 at the age of 81, he did not receive mercy because of his age or former status. He was sent straight to prison. The principle is simple: accountability has no expiration date.
The Brazilian Reality (Impunity):
In Brazil, prescrição — the statute of limitations — functions as a shield for the powerful. A “skilled” lawyer can drag a case out until the defendant becomes too old to be punished, effectively converting delay into acquittal. In football, we see match-fixers receiving mild sanctions, only to reappear quietly once public attention fades. We are teaching society the wrong lesson: if you can stall justice long enough, you walk free.
I left Singapore feeling both deep sadness for Brazil and renewed hope.
I feel hopeful because I saw with my own eyes that a clean, honest country is possible. It is not a fantasy. And I feel sad because I’ve come to understand that Brazil is not simply “failing” — it is choosing to fail.
Singapore proves that integrity is not a matter of culture; it is a matter of structure and political will. Until Brazil chooses to stop incentivizing corruption and begins to punish it seriously, we will continue sliding toward the ranks of the most corrupt countries in the world.
It showed me that another Brazil is possible. Not a perfect one — but a fair one. A country where institutions work, where dignity is respected, and where corruption is the exception rather than the norm. I cannot unsee what I saw. And because of that, I cannot stop fighting for the Brazil we could become.
A good article, congrats Luiz, that makes you reflect on the possibility of controlling corruption even with very different cultures. I was recently in Singapore and it makes you want to see this small country; it’s surprising how it has become what it is today.
Loved it, Luiz! Thanks for sharing your thoughtful take on such a unique country.